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The time was ripe for a new source of promise and support for young people, a source that gave them hope for themselves and their state in the future. Some young people were members of the Antifaschistische Junge Garde Antifd , the youth wing of the Communist Rotfrontkampferbund, and at the close of the Weimar Republic battled Nazi storm troopers in the streets of the large cities. Others, on the other end of the ideological scale, belonged to the Jungnationaler Bund, a group patronized by the piously Lutheran and national-conservative establishment.

They roamed the countryside, following their own rules of simplicity and honesty, dressed in makeshift garb, singing rediscovered folksongs, eating simple food by the campfire, 8 HITLER YOUTH and espousing a sexually clean life. Thus the theme of intergenerational con- flict was already built into the very first chapter of German youth- movement history. In con- scious opposition to the ideals of the Enlightenment, they eschewed rationality in favor of emotion.

War was viewed as highly idealized combat, and struggle in battle as natural and organic. The concept of the nation, too, had never been forsaken. As an idea unrealized, it had played a role in medieval times, as it did in the early- nineteenth-century Romantic movement and then again in the post- 1 restorative era.

World War I was therefore welcomed as the cata- lyst in a huge cleansing process that would purge European nations, especially the new modern German nation-state, of their materialism and would resurrect archaic values. A similarly idealistic goal was up- held by young French and English fighters for their countries, though in different ways, as their letters and diaries illustrate. They were regarded by their surviving peers as symbols of a tremendous sacrifice for the nation as well as for their own cohort and the youth of future German generations.

While it had always been elitist and anti-modernist, it now became increasingly martial, hierarchical, attached to discipline, uniforms, and drill, racist, and suspicious of girls in its midst — all of which was a departure from the days of the Empire. As such, the youth movement was alienated from the new republican system of Weimar, whose essence was equal- ity as expressed in parliamentary democracy and whose representatives had signed the humiliating Treaty of Versailles In fact, the movement became downright hostile.

The successors to the Wan- dervogel were the ascetic Biinde leagues — because of their mystical connotations, most of these terms defy translation , who wanted noth- ing to do with Weimar party politics. Soon, however, dedicated political youth wings of the Weimar parties also came into being, as well as Protestant and Catholic youth leagues.

Inasmuch as they all overlapped with the core Biinde, they shared the defining characteristic of the postwar German youth movement, namely its anti-democratic stance and concomitant rejec- tion of all that Weimar stood for, in particular its modernism. A tiny minority of republican-inspired youth leagues arose that supported the new political order, but they were only a drop in the bucket.

Antifa, which had evolved from an earlier Communist youth league. On the extreme right, there was a youth league called the Hitler Youth, after the Fiihrer of the Nazi Party. As typified by the Communist youth groups, change was becoming the only constant in the youth movement, giv- ing it a notorious volatility at a time when the Weimar regime itself was becoming increasingly unstable.

By the end of the s, members who refused to leave when reaching adulthood often took charge of new generations of members and increasingly were resented by them. This was the opportunity that some leaders of the National Socialist movement under Hitler had been waiting for. They skillfully exacerbated the existing generational tensions to their own ends.

The HJ was one of these organizations, appealing, in particular, to the lower strata of society, for which the elitist Biinde had not been created. This compared favorably to any other Weimar party except for the KPD.

Although a uniform Nazi policy on youth did not exist from to , the words and deeds of indi- vidual Nazi officials at certain points in time reflect an exalted view of youth. At first Hitler had been oblivious to the problems of youth, since adolescents were too young to vote or attain Party membership. No doubt influenced by more astute tacticians such as Joseph Goebbels and Gregor Strasser, Hitler acknowledged by that young people were needed as recruits and guarantors of the longevity of the movement.

Leadership cadres, however, may be trained. To engage in politics one must be called, yet to function ad- ministratively it suffices to be instructed, drilled, trained, and bred. It is to their collective experience that we now turn. The sun was burning down on the heath, which was bereft of trees. The sand was glistening, I was tired. My feet were hurting in those new walking shoes, every step was hurting and all I could think about was rest, water, and shade.

I clenched my teeth to keep walking. I was the youngest, and this was my first outing. In front of me strode Rudolf, the leader. He was tall and strong. His backpack was heavy and pressed down on his shoul- ders. Rudolf carried the bread for us six boys, the cooking pot, and a pile of books, from which he would read us wonderfully thrilling sto- ries, at night in the hostel. My backpack only contained a shirt, a couple of sneakers, washing utensils, and some cooking gear, apart from a tarpaulin for rainy days and straw beds.

And yet I thought I could not lug this backpack any longer. My comrades all were some- what older and had camping experience. They hardly felt the heat and hardship of the march. Every now and then they would sigh and drink lukewarm coffee from their canteens.

More and more, I remained behind, even though I tried to make up for my slack by running. Sud- denly Rudolf turned around. He stopped and watched me crawling up to him from a distance, while our comrades continued in the direc- tion of a few trees on the horizon. Slowly, we walked side by side. I was limp- ing.

But I did not want to let on to Rudolf. I did not want to talk, for I was shy. Rudolf gave me something to drink. I thanked him and leaned back comfortably, glad to be able to stretch my aching feet, and before I knew it I was sleeping. When we resumed our march, my feet hurt much less and my backpack did not press down on me so.

I was very glad about that. In exemplary fashion, it illustrates why the Hitler Youth was so attractive and worked so well for millions of boys and girls, certainly in the early years of the Nazi regime. Because it demon- strated key Nazi values, this story was thought fit to be distributed as primary reading material to school children in their early teens. The very title conjures up the important sense of belonging, as one small individual, to a larger community, the organic Volksgemeinschaft.

The shared experience of marching, as the youngest of a group, in a difficult environment reminds the young pupils of how small and weak they are by themselves and how important it is to be supported by a group of stronger friends. The leader of these friends is Rudolf, the strongest of them all, who not only looks after the physical needs of his charges — he carries the bread for them — but also acts as their spiritual mentor, through stories he reads to them.

In the larger Hitler Youth, too, the strong members would support their weaker pals, and knowledgeable leaders would be at hand for physical as well as mental direction. As a Fiihrer in the heath, Rudolf himself is a shining example. Sacrifice and fealty are important to him, especially in adver- sity, yet in the end he will save his troop, as he saves little Hans from fatigue and total breakdown. Indeed, this dictatorship itself was less streamlined and much more heteroge- neous than the Ftihrer and his lieutenants would have preferred.

However, there is no denying that most Hitler Youths in the fold loved its program of activities and did feel looked after, knowing that they would graduate to become bearers of the new Reich. From their subjective point of view, the sentiments of belonging, of sharing, of being willing to follow orders from tough but caring leaders, were very real. It is against this backdrop of a broad and general consensus among youth in Nazi Germany that exceptions and inconsistencies must be judged.

Thus the beginnings of the Nazi youth affiliate were in the proletarian realm, and at least until Hit- lers takeover in January , the groups emphasized their working- class mystique. However, the proletarian image became more and more threadbare over time, as more middle-class youths joined. Politically, the Bundische were right-wing including anti-Semitic enough to attract the majority of German youths who detested the Weimar Republic.

The difference was that they were not fixated upon a single leader, as was the HJ, and their social composition was much more middle- to upper-class. There were about 50, Bundische when the Nazis became the second-largest national party after the Reichstag elections of September 14, By this time the HJ membership had increased to 18,, and their social base was broadening from working-class members to middle-class youths from secondary schools, or Gymnasien, concerned about career mobility in industry, state administration, and the academic profes- sions.

In addition, a Jungvolk was created for teenagers from ten to fourteen later these would be known as Pimpfe. By the end of , the age range for the HJ of both genders was from ten to eighteen. He would soon give up both, to devote himself entirely to the Hitler-Jugend. In the HJ already had close to 35, Serving in the Hitler Youth 12 members, which still comprised about 69 percent young workers, 12 percent pupils, and 10 percent white-collar shop clerks.

It was assumed that during this time of the Great Depression, about half of the parents of these adolescents were unemployed. Karl Norris von Schirach was an American citizen until he joined the Prussian Army, from which he retired as a Colonel to become Generalintendant of the Weimar court theater in From this position he was ousted — unjustly, he claimed — by the revolutionary currents after World War I.

Until that time, between the hallowed aura of Goethe and Schiller on the one side and the visionary modernism of the Bauhaus on the other, the Grand Duchy of Weimar was marked by mostly mediocre artistic achievements, including those in the theater directed by Karl Norris von Schirach.

Since his family had strong monarchist and nationalistic leanings and hated the revolution and its republican aftermath, Baldur was predis- posed to the radical right even as a child. Adolf Hitler passed through Weimar one day in March of , and Hans Severus Ziegler, a local right-wing culture broker close to the Schirach family, introduced Bal- dur and a friend to him.

As he became involved in the machinations of the Nazi Student League, he participated in its ongoing boycott of Jewish students. Again he met Hitler, who made him leader of the League in July To emphasize his new posi- tion as a leader much closer to Hitler, Schirach organized his first youth mass rally on October 1 and 2, , at Potsdam, near Berlin. There were marches, speeches, drills, and fanfares, and, naturally, both Schirach and Hitler addressed the crowd. The occasion appears to have attracted an impressive 70, boys and girls from all over Germany, all of whom had paid for the journey themselves.

In Kiel, one day in , when the Party and its affiliates had been forbidden to wear Nazi uniforms by the Papen Cabinet, a clutch of HJ butcher apprentices walked down the street in their white butcher aprons, with everyone afraid that they were hiding huge butcher knives under- neath. His aim was to take over as many as possible of the diffuse youth leagues, large and small, that existed by then and turn them into Hitler Youths.

Schirach would remain in this position until August , when he would be promoted to regional chief or Gauleiter of Vienna; Artur Axmann, the twenty-seven-year-old head of the Berlin social services office of the HJ, would replace him as Reich Youth Leader. At that time Schirach, who had just been granted additional powers by the Fiihrer, claimed to have the allegiance of 60 percent of all young people from ages ten to eighteen. While this was truly remarkable, demonstrat- ing the attraction of the authoritarian Nazi system for young Germans, it still did not constitute the percent that Schirach craved.

Because it prided itself on the voluntarist principle, the HJ depended during the first years of the Third Reich on the voluntary flow of new members. In order to fill the comparatively small membership rolls more quickly, Baldur von Schirach tried soon after January to manipulate the wholesale takeover of the entrenched youth leagues. What these groups had in common with the Hitler Youth was a generic hatred of the Weimar republican system, its parliament and democracy; they preferred authoritarian leadership structures.

What had to be overcome was individual allegiances to many single chiefs, in exchange for a unitary commitment to one national leader and his deputy. As the former West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, who was fifteen in , recalls, this provoked non-organized teenagers like himself to join the HJ, so as not to be left out in the cold.

Stigmatized groups, like the Communist youth league, KJVD Kommunistischer Jugendverband Deutsch lands , were simply dissolved and their leaders sent to a concen- tration camp; residual Marxist splinter groups who attempted resis- tance were all but snuffed out by In southwest German Baden in the summer of , for example, where the Deutscher Pfadfinderbund German Boy Scouts had so far gone unmolested, forty Hitler Youths attacked two of their members without apparent cause, sending one to the hos- Serving in the Hitler Youth 21 pital.

However, in January the Gestapo arrested Koebel, who then slit his wrists and was sent to the hospital, where he jumped out of a window and suffered a concussion. After his release a few days later, he fled to England via Sweden. A typical incident occurred in June , when in Plauen the former leader of the Deutsche Freischar, Karl Lammermann, was killed by a frenzied HJ mob.

Lammermann had already come over to the HJ as leader in ; after January he continued to indoc- trinate his charges in the spirit of individual freedom which had typi- fied most of the pro-republican youth leagues, and thus he reached a violent end at Nazi hands. The Hitler Youth faced less of a challenge in trying to incorporate the Protestant leagues. Many Protestant youths and their leadership had already declared their sympathy with the HJ before , as had their parents, disproportionately, with Hitler and his Nazi move- ment.

But within a few months those who did so were regarded with open suspi- cion by local HJ leaders and harassed to the point of suppression or absorption. The situation for Catholic youth groups, with over a million members, seemed ambiguous, but then in July the Concordat between Berlin and the Vatican was con- cluded, guaranteeing the Catholic Church in Germany sovereignty over all religious matters, but proscribing any sort of political activity and closing down the Center Party itself.

He accused them of being political even when they were not. There were many fracases especially in heavily Catholic regions between HJ and Catholic groups, involving notably the largest, the Katholischer Jungmannerverband, and the athletic organization Deutsche Jugendkraft. According to the HJ s own fig- ures, at the end of there were 2.

This figure had climbed to 64 percent at the end of , and by early , undoubtedly because of the March decree, membership briefly reached a respectable German locales were affected unevenly by these developments. Of elementary schools in the region of Vechta in northern Germany, 80 had co-opted all students in the last four grades by July , meaning those from ten to fourteen years old; the rest claimed a suc- cess rate of at least 80 percent.

As individual case histories bear out, the membership rate in a Gymna- sium tended to be high because, contrary to its pre lower-class motto, the HJ leadership now wooed older and socially well-placed students who could lead youths two or three years younger than them- selves. This incentive was absent in elementary schools, from which students graduated at age fourteen with apprenticeships or jobs in mind that allowed little room for HJ interests.

And that situation was even more pronounced in designated trade schools, some of whose stu- dents were already engaged in a job. Obviously, when young Ger- mans chose not to join, they were challenging the societal or labor- market sanctions that such an attitude would evoke. She does not abide by the BDM clean- liness code and is interested only in silly pranks. She sticks her tongue out when told to behave, all to no avail, until the leader, Ursel, strips Marga of her uniform and insignia.

Marga turns on her heel, slams the door shut, storms out, and is never seen again. Because members could leave at will if they were disgruntled, social and political sanctions were brought to bear. At least in theory, Gym- nasium students absent from the HJ were not permitted to pass the Abitur, the mandatory entrance examination for university. Working youths were to be denied apprenticeships in trades or factories, and could not become hereditary farmers Erbhofbauern.

The political consequence of non-participation was to be barred from the Nazi Party or any of its affiliates forever. Even after the Youth Ordinance of March the constancy of HJ attendance was still not what it should have been, as too many teenagers came and went or did not enroll at all. This meant notifications to local and regional government agencies, such as county heads Lan- drate and, subsequently, the police. If, for example, boys or girls had missed three meetings, the local gendarme could put them behind bars for an entire Sunday so they would not miss school , on a diet of water and bread.

Once parents were held responsible, Nazi Kreisleiter or district chiefs could threaten them with the withholding of social benefits until their children became faithful members. In Biberbach near Ulm on a Sunday in April , several HJ members chose to go to church rather than attend a specially scheduled morning drill. Through the Youth Service Compulsion Decree of November 24, , Himmler laid down much tougher laws that did not require bureaucratic channels to implement.

Alternatively, the youths themselves could be held accountable. They, too, could receive a fine, be incarcerated on the Serving in the Hitler Youth 22 express order of the Hitler Youth, or be taken into special custody by the criminal police or, worse, the Gestapo, as asocial aliens and unre- constructible criminals. Many were individualistic enough to reject, on their own behalf, the stereotypical mold into which the Hitler Youth leader- ship wished to press all of its members, thereby allowing for no devia- tions from the norm, no idiosyncrasies whatsoever.

In this they were mostly acting alone and only sometimes with the back- ing of parents or friends. Like Wapnewski, Rose- marie Heise, socialized by Social Democratic parents, forged a medical certificate in order to stay home and listen clandestinely to the BBC.

Fest, who even at seventeen was a critic of the Fiihrer and his Nazi regime, had never bothered to join the HJ. After he carved a small caricature of Hitler on his wooden desk in , he faced expulsion from school as well as political recriminations from the Hitler Youth. Without hesitation, his sympa- thetic father took Joachim out of the Berlin Leibnitz-Gymnasium and quietly moved the family to Freiburg.

And few as they might have been, they consti- tuted the basis for several of the HJ s growing problems. To be sure, matters of military import had already played a role in the late Weimar republican youth movement, but, because of post- World War I disarmament, they were never as central or as significant. This situation had already begun to change with the rhetoric of Nazi leaders after January , and it did change in April of , after the introduction of universal conscription on March What do we want to be?

In the guise of games and play, constant vigilance and discipline were practiced. There were calisthenics, swimming, fencing, ball games, and the nationally beloved soccer, which was said to further a mutual feeling of community. Although this was not unusual in premilitary groups of any day or age, the Nazis per- fected sports and drill techniques so as to humiliate their young Serving in the Hitler Youth 31 charges to the point were they lost their self-respect, becoming deper- sonalized and totally malleable.

There were forced tests of courage such as making youths jump from five-meter boards into water, often when they could not swim, making them climb up the side of ravines with- out proper support, and forcing them to perform endless knee-bends.

In one camp, a non-swimmer drowned in the deep end of a swimming pool. Those up to fourteen years practiced with air guns, while the older boys were taught how to use small-caliber rifles. The instruction was theoretical as well as practical. The revolver was a Browning, which at the time was routinely handed out to Hitler Youths by their superiors. In these units, experience in the air was paramount, often after courses in model-plane construction, and playing with handguns or rifles took second place.

Like the motor branches, members of the Equestrian HJ and the Communications HJ, which trained with the telephone and Morse code, would also merge with conventional ground troops. The boys and girls who flocked to it were artistically inclined and, because of their sensitivity, less interested in physical activities and therefore more subject to harassment by their peers than was the norm.

These HJ musical groups also performed at pub- lic recitals, and whenever the Hitler Youth leadership needed them for inspiration at its own political and disciplinary exercises, such as regional camp meetings or occasions when the HJ had to reinforce Nazi Party rallies.

Fully aware of this, Serving in the Hitler Youth 33 the HJ leadership maintained music academies and chairs at universi- ties to help in the forming of politicized musical Nazi servants. Some respectable German composers, including Heinrich Spitta and Wolf- gang Fortner, contributed their talents to this effort, and Carl Orff wanted to put together at least one songbook for HJ mass consump- tion in Here indoctrination took place and plans were made for extracurricular outdoor activities, such as bivouacs, sports, and drill.

In the early years of the Third Reich, existing Weimar youth movement hostels were confiscated and new HJ clubhouses were built from scratch or by renovating rudimentary structures such as stables and tool sheds. During this construction and the meetings following it, the beloved HJ hymns were intoned. For the regime, the most valuable of these tasks, especially during summer school vacations, turned out to be the work of aiding the peasants on the farms.

Not least, such work was good for the overall economy and was, once again, an important preparatory step toward premilitary re- cruitment and, eventually, the deployment of young people in battle, the occupied territories, and for war emergencies at home. HJ-Landdienst, or agricul- tural service, was always characterized by an imperialist quality. Its ide- ology was based on that of the racist Artamanen, a pre youth league on the extreme right of would-be eastern settlers, to which lead- ing National Socialists had once belonged, among them Heinrich Himmler, Reich Peasant Leader Richard Walther Darre, and the future commandant of Auschwitz, Rudolf Hoess.

Teenagers were sent to the newly conquered western areas of Poland where many Germans lived in the countryside, most of them adhering to a standard of nutrition and hygiene typical of their Polish neighbors, which the Germans in the Reich despised. The mission of German youth was to re-educate those ethnic Ger- mans, or Volksdeutsche, and lead them back to the proper ways of the life and livelihood of their forefathers.

Eventually, such Nazi hubris even extended to Germans living in the western borderlands such as Eupen and Malmedy, which had been reconquered from Belgium, and Alsace-Lorraine, reconquered from France. Not only did they willingly toil on the farms, in the forests, and in the fields, but they also gave Ger- man lessons to ethnic Germans who had lost or adulterated their lan- guage.

The goal, originally projected by the Artamanen in the s, was to subjugate the indigenous populations and use them as slaves on the land that had been taken from them, with the Germans as sole beneficiaries and absolute masters. HJ members also had to participate in the search for mush- rooms and for herbs, used for tea and medicinal purposes, as well as 36 HITLER YOUTH helping out in town and country in various auxiliary positions, such as tram conductor, ersatz-coffee dispenser at train stations, or letter 1 1 3 carrier.

D But the ultimate trial for the Hitler Youth came during direct con- tact with the effects of the war itself, on the home front as the tide turned against the Germans. HJ members had to assist soldiers who were home on furlough or sick leave, many exhausted or disabled, some of them maimed beyond recognition.

The boys and girls helped in the building of fortifications in the streets or close to the fronts and were on call for emergencies and war-triggered catastrophes such as flooding. Pictures which carried me into many nightmares. The Nazi regime praised those youngsters as heroes — twelve, thirteen, or fourteen years old — who had saved civilians from burning ruins, even as some were themselves consumed by flames. The dead were piled in the entrances of houses.

And when you went by you just saw a heap of feet, some barefoot, some with burned soles. The corpses were beyond identification. Even the adults were very small. They were completely mummified, burned, and melted together by the heat. This was undoubtedly the ideal of the Nazi state in recruiting suitable leaders and followers, to keep the millennial Reich on track.

However, Nazi socialization of the young in the long run was difficult because in Germany it had to contend with tradition- ally strong mainstays of society, namely parents and teachers and in some cases employers, with whom Hitler Youths might be apprentic- ing.

Although the employers became less of a problem because the pri- macy of a war economy was recognized early and shops might make fewer demands on a youths available time, ties to home and school posed difficulties which the HJ leadership took pains to overcome. And then the Wehrmacht will take them over for further treatment. And thus they will never be free again, for the rest of their lives. Pronouncing on a three-pillar theory of home, school, and HJ, Baldur von Schirach early on attempted to assure parents that their traditional role as nurturers would not be interfered with, and educators that they would remain role models in the classrooms.

This meant that much of the weekly HJ service encroaching on school time would be concentrated outside of school on Saturdays, during which those teenagers of ages ten to fourteen not yet organized in the HJ were allowed to remain in regular school attendance. Wednes- day evenings were to belong to the HJ. In Fear, a play from , Bertolt Brecht depicts the situation of a couple fearing they will be denounced by their son, Klaus-Heinrich, as he steps out of their flat for a short period to buy himself some candy.

Even after his return home, they have no way of knowing whether or not he has turned them in to the Gestapo. They are certain that Klaus- Heinrich has overheard anti-regime remarks, and they know that he is a member of the Hitler Youth. Normal intergenerational conflict may have somehow been resolved in the democracy before Many young people wanted novelty and change and perceived the HJ as offering it.

Still, there is no denying that tension between the HJ and parents constituted only one side of the coin, for on the other was the huge reservoir of sympathy that a plurality of parents harbored for the Nazi cause. By contrast, the family was traditionally in the private, not public, sphere. Hence Schirach had a freer hand whenever the Ministry elected to cooperate with him on behalf of its teachers, but he got exercised whenever the Ministry or teachers attempted to restrain him.

Fortunately for him, Schirach was a much more dynamic, and certainly much younger, Nazi official than the former secondary-school teacher Bernhard Rust, the Minister of Education, whose love of the bottle was the stuff of Nazi gossip. In his struggle with the schools Schirach was indirectly able to claim victory after the proclamation of the Law for the Reconstitution of the Civil Service on April 7, , whereby unreliable teachers, such as Social Democrats and Communists to say nothing of the Jews , were summarily dismissed.

What followed were screening routines of the remaining teaching staff by the police, which, as irreversible actions, could only work in the future interest of the HJ leadership. One telling sign that the Staatsjugendtag had been a shabby compromise for teachers was that although on Saturdays it had kept non-HJ pupils under fourteen in the classrooms, about a quarter of youths over fourteen had been missing class on Saturdays because, as HJ leaders, they had to supervise the younger HJ pupils in the field.

In Alfred Andersch drew a portrait of this type: a Gymnasium teacher with a pot belly, always smartly dressed in suit and tie, smug, a believer in law and order who would vacillate between dispensing favors and picking on stu- dents for the sake of maintaining absolute power, and, inevitably, proud of his World War I record.

This particular teacher, under whom Andersch studied Greek and history at the Wittelsbacher Gymnasium in Munich in , was the principal of that well-regarded school. His name was Secret Counselor Gebhard Himmler, at that time sixty-three years old and the well-respected father of Heinrich. Indeed, constant classroom references to personal war experience between and bolstered the self-esteem of teach- ers and — this Schirach could appreciate — kept most of the students spellbound.

The teachers were able to accommodate Goethe, Beethoven, Nietzsche, and Schopenhauer, as they lauded the demise of modernism which they had experienced during the Republic. As called for, the moribund monarchic idea of the Hohenzollerns was easily supplanted by the notion of a National Socialist Reich, and for the teachers, too, Fatherland turned into Volksgemeinschaft.

The concentration in Nazi- style history classes on figures of the Germanic past, such as Arminius the Cheruscan, Luther, Frederick the Great, and Bismarck, was little different from that in the schools in the decades after German Unifica- tion in They had to walk a tightrope between internal rejection of the Hitlerites and postures of approval. Many had been lucky not to have been caught by the law, for once found out and denounced — by malevolent colleagues or fanatical HJ pupils — they could not only be dismissed but also arrested and incarcerated, especially if they had already once been demoted.

He was hated by many and beloved by few. He emphasized themes of peace where everyone spoke of struggle, exposing the cruelty in a poem about a soldier lying mortally wounded at the front for two days with- out anyone tending to him.

I began to develop an interest in history, and the history I read was very different from what we were taught at school. In music, Beethoven and Wagner were stressed and Jewish composers like Mendelssohn ignored. Until the outbreak of the war, more and more teachers complied with his demands that they act as recruiting agents for his youth groups, and more and more of the younger ones donned HJ uniforms, thus symbolizing the increasing subservience of formal education to Nazi indoctrination.

By 1 it had become obvious that the mounting politicization of the teachers combined with the growing neglect of school matters in favor of HJ service by many students was leading to a dilution of con- ventional pedagogical standards; students were learning less.

Schirach seized the moment in early by once again ridiculing teaching as a profession and insisting on the superiority of ideological and character training, HJ-style, over the acquisition of formal knowledge. Teachers, no less than parents, in the spring of and again in the fall of , com- plained about the broken relationship between schools and families on the one side, and the Hitler Youth on the other, despite the necessities of a global war that was ideologically sanctioned.

Its purpose was to protect children old enough to be separated from their parents, from about age four to the early teens, from the bombs increasingly falling on German towns and Serving in the Hitler Youth 45 cities, by removing them to out-of-the-way, non-urban places. Chil- dren could be sent away for six months at a time, and once installed in specially prepared HJ living quarters, they were subject to rigorous dis- ciplinary controls beyond the purview of their parents.

While children up to age ten were sent to live with Nazi families by state social work- ers, those between ten and fourteen were in HJ-controlled locations. Usually themselves members of the HJ, these children came to be supervised by somewhat older Hitler Youths. Thus, the parental home appears to have been totally eclipsed. The main question for the par- ents was whether they should allow their children to leave at all.

Depending on their luck, the children and their warders might be quartered in the shabbi- est of surroundings, such as run-down hospitals or school buildings in poverty-stricken parts of Bohemia, or in luxury hotels and even beach resorts and castles, as in Tirol and Luxembourg. The camps in Poland were almost always wretched, while the ones in South Germany tended to be in swank little pensions in alpine resorts with names like Garmisch-Partenkirchen and Berchtesgaden.

If the statistics are reli- able, , special trains transported approximately five million German children to as many as 12, camps by early , at which time the actions were officially called off. The HJ knew this and therefore discouraged visits by parents to their camp sites wherever they could, even though they were not always success- ful.

In the case of KLV, the teachers who were trans- planted from the classrooms to the HJ camps were supposedly respon- sible for a continuation of the pedagogical process and were even told to exercise supervision, whereas in fact the much younger Hitler Youth leaders who controlled the logistics of the camps were the true bosses.

Children were bullied, especially if they were found to be bed wetting — a fre- quent occurrence in the camps and indicative of the sense of loss they generally must have felt. But in other sites there were masturbation contests, and the entire practice became part of the entrenched hazing regimen.

This afforded the HJ ample opportunity to point out the difference between HJ children as heirs of the master race on the one side, and those slaves who had already been vanquished, on the other. This was not without danger to the youngsters, who in Occupied Poland and the Protectorate in par- ticular were always regarded with unmitigated hostility in the streets. Problems of Training, Discipline, and Leadership To liberate itself completely from the conventional school system, the Hitler Youth attempted to create educational institutions of its own.

Not surprisingly, Rust was furious when he found out. Hitler, however, was on the side of Schirach and the schools that would bear his name. The projection was for about fifty such schools, at least one for each Nazi Gau or region, with a projected enrollment of 15, altogether.

By , however, there were only ten schools, and at the end of , a mere 2, pupils attended. Thereafter, a special Nazi university, the Hohe Schule, under chief Party ideologue Alfred Rosenberg, was to take over as a political- elite finishing school. The selection of AHS pupils was to be made by HJ leaders in conjunction with regional representatives of the Party, a certain contingent of them being assigned annually to each Gau.

The ultimate career objectives for AHS stu- dents, as far as the regime was concerned, were jobs in the Party hierar- chy, such as HJ leader or Gau administrator, and, as a second choice, jobs as conventional civil servants. But it was already far too late; the damage had been done. Whereas the older teachers tended to be staunch Party cronies, the younger ones, still in their twenties, were HJ liaison teachers, for whom Nazi politics and ideology ranked above scholarship.

Although Schirach himself maintained in that in his new schools the substance would remain the same and only the teaching methods would change, the reality was different. Among conventional school subjects, those which emphasized the German past and racial superiority were stressed, as in history, geography, and biology; foreign languages were to be studied for the sole purpose of communicating orders to future subject peoples.

AHS students were taken to concentration camps to get to know the internal enemy. Their didactic concepts were shrouded in racist mysticism, and with only a small number of stu- dents and an insufficient staff, they never reached even a rudimentary stage of functionality. This school, housed in no less than forty villas, was more for sybarites than ascetics often the off- spring of self-important Party leaders ; students played golf there or went sailing after a minimum of formal lessons.

No one ever received a grade, and no one ever failed a course. The school, for pupils from twelve to eighteen, had been founded as a recruitment instrument by SA chief Ernst Rohm in , and was maintained, after his execution in July , by Deputy Fiihrer Rudolf Hess. For these Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten NPEA did everything the Adolf-Hitler-Schulen were attempting to do; only they did it much better and with tangible results.

By , there were twenty-one. His teaching staff were not only academically schooled in the traditional manner, but also, for the most part, genuine SS members. Even beyond the schools, lack of discipline permeated the entire HJ. Rammer, who joined in in Thuringian Erfurt. Indeed, arrogant HJ members went out of their way to seek altercations with representatives of the SA, the police, the Party and, after the spring of , even the Wehrmacht.

Even though soldiering inspired greater discipline among the Hitler Youth rank and file, especially after , these difficulties did not go away. During the war years boys and girls continued to engage in crimes like theft, impersonation, or gross acts of vandalism. As a result, clashes between the police and other agencies of the regime and the HJ multiplied. By Janu- ary Schirach boasted that some fifty thousand youth leaders of both genders and all ranks had been trained. In a speech of January , Schirach him- self had alluded to the difficulty of securing adequate staff.

One young trainee in March , who actually liked physical drill under duress similar to the way some twenty-first-century youngsters like extreme sports , told of indoctrination sessions that featured themes from Mein Kampf, the history of the Nazi movement, and the subsequent rise of the Third Reich since In the afternoons, he wrote, they discussed Goring, Himmler, and Goebbels.

But to my surprise I did not quite get it. I soon noticed what the difference was: the can- dor of the soldier was missing. They allowed no one to speak who had something else, something better to say. Schirach declared in October that he had reached an agreement regarding real estate with the town of Brunswick.

In it was announced that the institution would be commencing its work by the end of the following year. Even then, the first semester had to begin at a sports site in Berlin; the move to Brunswick did not take place until August, when the building was finally completed. Requirements for the Acad- emy included graduation from Gymnasium, strict pre-selection, four months of apprenticeship in a HJ region, and eight weeks at the leader- ship school in Potsdam, to be followed by twelve months of residency at the Academy.

Thereafter candidates had to work for three weeks in some war-related industry and undergo six months of training abroad. The students attending that first summer semester stayed only a few weeks, after which they rode off to the front lines. Those who arrived after September were mostly mid-level youth leaders who had been wounded in the war and had combat experience under their belts.

There was little the Academy could now teach them. Drill consisted of relaxed marches through the picturesque town of Brunswick. But he chose to display only arrogance during his inspection. In his memoirs of he Serving in the Hitler Youth 52 admitted to dozing off during what were advertised as intellectually challenging lectures. Whether in the Palatinate, Brunswick, or Bavaria, the HJ had to accept as leaders just about any- body who showed interest, with predictably distastrous results.

Not yet two years later, this rate had swelled to 60 per- cent. Himmler granted her wish that henceforth Heider be relieved from all HJ duty. In November the Reich Interior Ministry once again insisted on this change, also with no result.

Right up to early , the Party tried to exert an influence on the personnel department of the HJ leadership, from regional leaders to the highest levels. But until the end, Schirach and Axmann remained impervious to external intervention and retained sole control. As early as , lower-down leaders were embezzling money through bullying and double book-keeping.

Things are going on which no decent person can possibly tolerate any longer. Axmann helped Goebbels chauffeur these young women and himself held some parties on the side, to which he invited those starlets and pretty BDM maidens. They had been expecting stern direction in their fight against the Russians. Earlier, after putting in some weeks of nominal service at the western front in , Schirach appeared with a huge bandage Serving in the Hitler Youth 59 around his head which, he pretended, stemmed from action at the front.

In reality, he had only had a car accident. As early as the spring of , Schirach had agreed to the wishes of Party executives that more senior HJ leaders should serve as adjutants to local and regional Party bosses, down to the level of Ortsgruppenleiter, or local chapter leader.

Nonetheless, Hess and Bormann persisted with their demands, so that subsequent ordinances were drawn up. Hitler and Goebbels continued to depend on the reserves they believed the HJ could furnish. One of them had said that now they had proof that Party Chancellery chief Bormann was leading Ger- many into the abyss, by systematically misinforming Hitler.

Wishing to pursue the point, Maschmann asked her comrade why he and his companions did not cause Bormann to disappear. I only know one answer to this question: you are too cowardly to sacrifice yourselves for such an act, as important as you think it might be. To the extent that the Hitler Youths regarded them- selves as the young elite of the movement, they knew that by current standards the SS represented its mature elite.

The SS, too, knew of this real or imagined affinity, and early on attempted to exploit it. The date is significant, for at that time Hitler knew he would quell what he said was a budding revolt within the disobedient SA under Rohm. When the purge actually occurred on June 30, it was the Leibstandarte that was the exe- cutioner. In his speech, he explained the essence and the task of the typical SS leader and then invited the HJ up to Brunswick — the town where Schirach was planning, at that very time, to erect a leadership academy of his own.

For the SS, the deployment of the Streifendienst, which would have comprised the most enthusiastic Hitler Youths, possessed two major advantages: it conditioned already convinced young Nazis as potential policemen and hence readied them for serious enforce- ment duties inside and beyond the Reich later, such as subjugating con- quered peoples and killing civilians; it also attracted an elite-conscious youth group eager to step far over conventional boundaries at the very site of their HJ commands.

Because of close personal and organiza- tional liaisons, transfer protocols were set up, bringing into line, for putative converts, the HJ ranks with SS ranks. Such training meant acquaintance, from an early age, with the dogma of German racial superiority and, conversely, the inferiority of other peoples, especially Slavs, Sinti and Roma colloquially known as Gypsies , and Jews.

That such indoctrination went on more or less sys- tematically in HJ ranks from age ten and up has characteristically been denied by post apologists of the Nazi youth culture. While a few took an active part, the great majority became involved by way of being forced to watch and digest the experience and learn the required racial lessons from it.

However, in Alzey in Rhenish Hesse the SA, who had been commis- sioned for these schemes by the regional Party leaders, co-opted the local HJ group and led them to the apartment of a Jewish family, where, with the frightened victims looking on, the boys proceeded to demolish all the furniture with an ax. Many boys and girls, already ideologically formed, found the spectacles as fascinating as they found them justified. These were intended to dispel doubts that teenagers might still harbor, especially in the early years of the regime, about how to identify a Jew, or why Jews were different, or why indeed they were considered evil.

Did this corre- spond with the antipodal Aryan stereotype conjured up during ideo- logical schooling? The latter depicted ugly Jews with curly hair and fleshy noses in the shape of a 6, always on the lookout for blond German maidens to seduce. In Vienna during the Anschluss, uniformed boys were com- mandeered to supervise the chicanery inflicted upon bearded orthodox Jews in their characteristic caftans, as they were shoved into synagogues or ordered to clean the pavement with toothbrushes or, in some cases, their bare hands.

They were confronted with one of them who, they were told, had to stand upright for twenty-four hours on end. One has to approach them like a disease, like an epidemic. During a roundup of Jews for transport to concentration camps. Hitler Youths would officiate. Inevitably, those in the younger generation were steeped in this attitude and were socialized as little anti-Semites — who were not so little any more when they were called to fight in the war at age seventeen or less in In the German Reich had 66,, inhabitants.

Of those, , were practicing Jews. How much is that in percent? The Nuremberg race laws of September 15, , legally defined Jews as persons having at least three Jewish grandparents; thereafter Mischlinge of the first degree those with two Jewish grandparents and of the second degree those with one were still allowed in German schools, but always at their own risk.

This risk was evident when they became victims of vicious teachers or their applauding Aryan flocks. The situation was worse, of course, for the full Jews, as long as they were in the classrooms. Not everybody was as fortunate as the historian Peter Gay, born in , whose name in Berlin was Peter Frohlich when he attended the Goethe-Gymnasium in the early years of the regime. Of course I ignored him, but then I did not hurt him either.

Somehow he had fleas, I did not like him. There are many examples of how these partly Jewish pupils were degraded by fellow students and teachers alike. The Tubingen neurologist Jurgen Peiffer, born in , recalls that in Stuttgart in the early s the two Mischlinge in his class had to wear white shirts during school ceremonies, when every- body else wore their uniforms. And of course after October they had to wear the Yellow Star. The first day we had to put on our bathing trunks and stand alongside the pool.

And you stay there. From to , belief in the Fiihrer was the bedrock of any Nazi educa- tion as carried out by diehard Nazi parents, teachers, and HJ leaders alike. It was the anchor of Nazi conviction, and it sank into even the most doubting of these young acolytes.

Fiihrer worship was at the center of all HJ and school activities, and in the average German dwelling there hung at least one portrait of Hitler. For the SS, including its promotions, both dates were used. And if they were not so fortunate, they collected small Hitler pictures made by cigarette manufacturers like Reemtsma for trading and putting in albums on the model of American sports heroes.

In her classic master- piece Triumph of the Will, Riefenstahl recorded this event both graphi- cally and sympathetically: on September 8, 60, Hitler Youths marched into the stadium to salute the Fiihrer. Fanfares rang out. And since then our movement, whose young van- guard you are and whose standard bearers you will be, has repossessed one position after the other in this state and thus returned to the Ger- man people.

We know, nothing in the life of the world s peoples is for free. Everything has to be fought for and conquered. You have to learn to be tough, to accept sacrifices without ever succumbing. Within yourselves, Germany will live on, and when we are long gone, you will be clutching the flag in your fists which once we pulled up from nowhere!

The Third Reich needed its young generation to continue what it now was molding as tradition, to ensure a fresh reservoir of leaders for the most ambitious — and of obedient followers for the more compla- cent. Above all, it needed young Germans to fight, sooner rather than later, against foes who had long been excoriated by propaganda.

Con- tinued allegiance to Hitler, of the kind Schirach had shown since , was key in this effort. She was in her early teens when she joined the Hitler Youth as the daughter of a farm laborer. The blond girl, who had lost her mother early, was beautiful if not delicate. She wanted to excel, but her schoolwork left something to be desired. In that camp, these helpers, or SS- Helferinnen, were subjected to tough routines.

Nazi-style discipline was to be learned by watching and practicing cruelty on inmates and engaging in promiscuous sex with male SS guards. Such discipline was designed to rob the girls of any vestiges of conventional morality. Here she became notorious as the Beautiful Beast. In Auschwitz, she was the youngest female guard and also the most cruel, in charge of 30, women inmates. Last post: Apr 17, , pm Re: Wann ist die beste T Last post: Oct 19, , pm Re: Brokers. Last post: Apr 23, , am Re: Recensioner Valutaha Last post: Apr 26, , am Re: İkili Opsiyonlardan Last post: Dec 20, , am Re: The beginners' guide Last post: Feb 10, , am axdvwmmc by Direct Lender Loans.

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Stockwerk des Shacolas Tower. Rathaus Nikosia. Bergfestung St. Einkaufsstrasse in Nikosia Bayraktar Mosque. Panayia Phaneromenis church. Sign up or log in. Freiheitsdenkmal Hiking Highlight. Susanne The structure shows 17 bronze figures. In the know? Log-in to add a tip for other adventurers! Best Hikes to Freiheitsdenkmal. Easy hike From Archbisphopric. Easy hike From Famagusta Gate. Easy hike From Areos. Nicosia has won Tennis Betting. Free Bets Best Betting Sites. AEL Limassol vs Ol.

Nicosia Prediction. AEL Limassol v Ol. AEL Limassol. Date : Monday 28th December. Over the course of their most recent ten matches at this level, Ol. Nicosia have secured three draws and suffered seven defeats, so life has been proving tough for the away outfit. AEL Limassol may not have been hitting the heights that they did earlier in the season during the last few months, but 11 wins from 16 home games is still a formidable record.

Nicosia have been in incredible form recently, collecting some points from a possible 27, and it is noticeable that all nine of their matches during this period have served up three goals or fewer. The same is true of each of the most recent nine AEL Limassol home games at this level, so it would come as a major surprise were this key battle not to serve up under 3. When Ol. Expert's Suggested TIP. Suggested Tip:. Best Bookmaker:. Bet Now. Nicosia Ol.

Betting Overview. AEL Limassol - Ol. Here on Feedinco, we will cover all types of match predictions, stats and all match previews for all Cyprus - First Division matches. Feedinco Suggestion From all statistics and latest matches data, our professional advice and experts suggest to bet on a 1 which have odds of 1. We also suggest the best bookmaker which is Bet9ja which have better odds on this type of bet.

Nicosia, we have analysed all last 5 matches and winning rate analysis. AEL Limassol are currently in a better form which they will be playing on their statium as home team, which gives them a slight advantage over the away team - Ol. Nicosia on Live Streaming. Nicosia LIVE! Nicosia live coverage and video highlights if you are registered member of 1xBet, the leading online betting company that has streaming coverage of different sports and more than k live matches with live sports betting during the year, from football to tennis to esports Betting.

If this match is covered by 1xbet live you can watch this football match or any other game of Cyprus - First Division on any smartphone. Enjoys betting and a good poker game. Follow on medium. Nicosia is on Monday 28th December. AEL Limassol are currently in a better form than the away team - Ol.

Nicosia is 1 with odds of 1. Deportivo Armenio 1 - 2 Talleres Tips 28th December.